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ブッシュのイラク戦争後のイラクの状況 ２００３年、ブッシュがイラクに不当に戦争をしかけ、フセインを処刑してから１０年以上が経過 した。その間の、アメリカによるイラク統治が大失敗であったことは、いまの中東情勢に 直結している。 アメリカは、フセイン政権の影響下のものをすべて一掃した。イラク軍の解体、そして それまで虐げられてきたシーア派の重用とスンニ派の権力からの一層が行なわれた。 この記事に書かれていることは、国のトップから末端まで、国家財産が公然と彼らの手に よって略奪され続けているという話である。しかも汚職撲滅の任に当たっている者の口から これらの話が出ている。 その責任者は述べている。「だれもがすべて国家財産の略奪を行っている。私も含めて」とある から、その腐敗ぶりは極地に達している感がある。 いろいろな事例が出ているが、たとえば「幽霊兵士」というのがある。これは、実際には雇用 されていない者を雇用しているとして、その給料を横領するというものである。 これに関連して、２０１４年にもスールがイスラム国に占領されたさい、じつはその防衛に 当たっていたイラク軍の数が計上されているよりはるかに少なかったというのがある。 イラク軍は士気がきわめて低いという話はその当時も流れていたが、もう１つはこういう 事実があったわけである。 インフラ工事や軍用機の発注など、多くのことが実際には工事はなされず、飛行機は届いて いない、ということが日常茶飯事とある。つまり、役人が横領している。 ＊＊＊ イラクの収入の９５％は石油収入であり、いまの原油価格の急落で、国家収入は ひどい状況に陥っている。このままでは国家破産（すでに破産しているのだが）に 陥る、そして社会不安が拡大するという恐れがある。 ＊＊＊ 汚職撲滅運動は叫ばれても、実際はまったく機能していない。つかまえられるのは 雑魚だけで上部は威嚇によって追求者が手が出せない状況にあるという。 (因みにこの雑魚というのは、キリスト信者のビジネスマンで、自宅を建てるために ２０万ドルを盗んだ罪で２年の有罪判決を受けた。） ＊＊＊ いまのイラクには、すでにクルド族の「国家」クルドスタンができている。そして、 イラクの中枢部はイランの影響力の下におかれている。アメリカ軍は撤退しているから、 その影響力は非常に減退してしまっており、２００３年の面影はまったくない。 アメリカの統治の失敗のもう１つは、イスラム国を生み出したことである。それによって いまのシリア内戦の複雑な展開がもたらされ、国際的な争いの舞台になっている。 ＊＊＊ Post-war Iraq: 'Everybody is corrupt, from top to bottom. Including me' A corrupt political class has led a 13-year pillage on public money in the pursuit of power. As oil prices fall, further jeopardising the country’s revenues, there is little hope that governance will improve Excess gas is burned off at the Rumaila oil field, south of Basra. Plunging oil prices have jeopardised Iraq’s revenues. Photograph: Atef Hassan/Reuters Martin Chulov in Baghdad Friday 19 February 2016 15.10 GMTLast modified on Friday 19 February 201615.17 GMT • Iraq’s anti-corruption chief sat in his office, waving his hands in exasperation. “There is no solution,” he said. “Everybody is corrupt, from the top of society to the bottom. Everyone. Including me.” Coming at the start of a conversation about Iraq’s ailing governance, and what was being done to turn things around, Meshan Jabour’s admission was jarring. “At least I am honest about it, he shrugged. “I was offered $5m by someone to stop investigating him. I took it, and continued prosecuting him anyway.” Isis sending children to die at unprecedented rate, report warns Read more Jabouri heads one of two anti-graft agencies tasked with protecting public monies in post-war Iraq. Both have more work than they can ever hope to deal with – even if they wanted to. Now, with plunging oil prices leaving Iraq’s revenues in more jeopardy than at any time since the US invasion, attention is shifting to what the custodians of public funds have done over more than a decade with tens of billions of dollars that could otherwise be a buffer from such a budget shock. If, as projected, global oil prices remain at historic lows, Iraq will be unable to pay some of its civil servants, or honour pledges to build roads and power stations in the next financial year. The gravity of the crisis has created uncomfortable reckonings for Iraq’s political class, military leaders and some senior religious figures, who have led a staggering 13-year pillage that has left Iraq consistently rated as one of the top five least transparent and most corrupt countries in the world. Mishan al-Jabouri with Major General David Petraus in 2003. Photograph: Saurabh Das/AP “Believe me, most of the senior names in the country have been responsible for stealing nearly all its wealth,” said Jabouri. “There are names at the top of the tree who would kill me if I went after them. When people here steal, they steal openly. They brag about it. There is a virus here, like Ebola. It is called corruption. There is no hope, I am sorry to say.” Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq’s highest cleric, who has dropped his taciturn approach in favour of bolder sermons. Photograph: Reuters Across all levels of society, a realisation is sinking in that Iraq is now entering a phase that could prove every bit as destabilising – perhaps even more so – than the war against Islamic State. Jamal al-Bateekh, a senior tribal leader with ear of the political class, said: “For 12 years we have gone through the process of opening the budget in the parliament. But we have never closed it. There has never been a reckoning. All that time, they have been dividing the carcass into pieces.” “This is existential,” said former deputy president, Ayad Allawi, whose office was abolished late last year in a cost-saving drive. “There are organised corruption syndicates running the country, let alone militias. I tell you very frankly, no Iraqi power can take action on this.” Over the last four months, some of Iraq’s top office holders, led by prime minister Haider al-Abadi, have tried to do just that. Emboldened by Iraq’s highest religious authority, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Abadi has tried to launch an anti-corruption drive designed to weed out the most guilty and introduce meaningful accountability processes across all levels of business and politics. Sistani, who has remained taciturn throughout most of his career, had been unusually strident during his Friday sermons, delivered through a spokesman until he stopped them in protest in January. “We spoke so much until our voices were hoarse, yet nobody listened,” he said at the time. “He was more strong, more fierce and in-depth than he’d ever been,” said Allawi of Sistani’s increasingly forthright interventions. “He knows how serious this is.” Across Baghdad, the finance minister, Hoshyar Zebari, has been tasked with finding ways around a profound budget shortfall that Sistani, Ababi and others fear could soon lead to civic unrest and even retribution. “We are 93-95% dependent on oil revenues,” said Zebari. “This year, our situation is far more difficult than in any other year,” he said. “We have exhausted our domestic borrowing. We need to go through a soul-searching process. We need to lose our dependability on oil. We need to prepare the public for change; on things such as VATs and other new measures. It is a question of a change in attitude. Here people are not accustomed to this.” Iraqi Kurdistan president: time has come to redraw Middle East boundaries Read more Iraq’s budget is modelled on an oil price of about $45 per barrel. However, oil had been hovering at $27 per barrel in recent months, before rallying by 14% over the past week. Nevertheless, oil experts across the Middle East believe that the recent fall in prices is structural, not cyclical, with very serious consequences for economies that are largely driven by old energy. Zebari said that in early February he took Iraq’s full financial accounts to Sistani in the Shia city of Najaf for the 85-year-old Ayatollah to inspect. “He is very serious about turning things around,” he said. “But he is frustrated.” Iraq has one of the biggest per capita public payrolls in the world, roughly 7 million people from a population of just over 21 million, and it is here that Zebari believes much of the systemic corruption is hidden. “Our biggest issue is ghost soldiers,” he said. “There are maybe $500-$600m in salaries being paid to soldiers who don’t exist. There are so many outlets for this money to go without any accountability.” An Iraqi labourer works at an oil refinery. Iraq is 93-95% dependent on oil revenues Photograph: Haidar Mohammed Ali/AFP/Getty Images In such cases, the salaries are instead collected by officers. In other cases, soldiers pay officers half their salaries so they don’t have to show up for duty. The former chief of staff of Iraq’s army, Gen Babakir Zebari, who retired last year, conceded that the issue of ghost soldiers had bedevilled the military, along with vastly inflated tenders for weapons. “I warned about this all the time,” he said. “Everybody knew my views. “The tenders are an issue that needed a lot of focus. It is my understanding that a lot of money went missing there.” Hoshyar Zebari estimates that there as many as 30,000 ghost soldiers in Iraq’s military and that corrupt officers are pocketing their salaries. The impact is even more significant than the bottom line. The fall of Mosul, Iraq’s second city, in mid-2014 was in part blamed on there being far fewer soldiers in position to defend the city than there were on the books. Generals and other senior officers accused of running the scam have yet to be brought to account. Britain broke Iraq. We can’t turn our back on its refugees Simon Jenkins Read more “They were protected,” said Jabouri. “We only go after the easy targets here. Recently a Christian businessman was jailed for two years for stealing $200,000 to build his house. That is nothing. It doesn’t even register as a crime compared to what else is going on.” “We have paid out $1bn for war planes that never arrived. In Tikrit there have been budgets paid for court houses that have never been built. It is the same with road projects all over the country, the port at Umm Qasr near Basra. If I had 50 staff to help me, we could barely scratch the surface. “The problems here are social as much as everything. You are seen as weak if you don’t steal. Everyone wants to claim power, because they know that nobody else is going to share power with them.” Iraq’s prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, who has launched his own anti-corruption drive with the support of Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. Photograph: Carsten Koall/Getty Images Allawi said he had taken a plan to Abadi to invite forensic auditors to examine Iraq’s books. “I was met by silence and blank stares,” he said. “It was like a bomb went off in the room.” Abadi has placed much of his political stock on his reform drive, which he sees as essential to holding the country together. Sistani’s full throated sponsorship has given his moves an impetus that they would not otherwise have had. However, so far he has been unable to slow a plunder that has crippled Iraq’s governance. “He is a good guy,” said Jabouri. “He is cleaner than all people in the parliament. But he cannot do this. Nobody can.” And what of the self-declared corrupt anti-corruption chief, Jabour? “I did it because I am daring people to come after me,” he said. “No one will dare to. I have files on them all.” |
